LAW. NOT WAR.
Benjamin B. Ferencz

Article

Ben Ferencz Letter to Admiral Mullen Re Aggression

By Benjamin B. Ferencz
published:March 2010
source:Personal Communication

March 3, 2010

Admiral Mike Mullen
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff
9999 Joint Staff Pentagon
Washington, DC 20318-9999

ATTN: PLEASE SEE THAT THIS LETTER REACHES THE CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS PERSONALLY

Dear Admiral Mullen:

Since I am entering my 91st year and without staff, I apologize for not being able to reach you by any other means. The message I feel compelled to convey concerns our vital national interests. A glance at my website (www.benferencz.org) indicates my credentials: graduate of Harvard Law School (1943), combat soldier in World War Two (5 battle stars), Nuremberg war crimes Prosecutor and recent winner of the prestigious Erasmus Prize for lifetime service to humanity.

I am encouraged to write because I particularly appreciated your wise observation (C-SPAN, Jan. 6, 2010, and elsewhere) that you "would surely rather prevent a war than fight a war." It was a reminder of President Eisenhower's conclusion that "the world no longer has a choice between force and law. If civilization is to survive it must choose the rule of law." (May 19, 1958).

Nuremberg, inspired by our most respected jurist, Robert M. Jackson, stood for the proposition that war-making was no longer a national right but an international crime for which responsible leaders could be held to account by an international court. The reaffirmation by the United States that law applies equally to all was hailed throughout the world. The primary goal was to deter illegal wars. That has been my own primary goal for half a century and I am now calling to you for help, for the sake of our military, our
country and the world.

I have written more on the crime of aggression than anyone (all of my books are available free on my website, courtesy the U.N. Audio-Visual Program). The Statute for the International Criminal Court that came into existence in 2002 lists aggression as one of the 4 crimes. No one cane be tried for that particular crime until certain new conditions are met: (1) aggression must be defined - that sounds reasonable enough but ignores the fact that it has already been adequately defined; (2) the Security Council must determine that aggression by a State has occurred - that seems reasonable too but it ignores the fact that Security Council powers are already fully respected in the U.N. Charter and the existing Rome Statute. Raising such non-persuasive arguments gives rise to fears and suspicions about U.S. intentions. Until these obstacles are removed, aggressors will know that they remain immune and cannot face trial by the ICC. Instead of deterring war, they will be
encouraged to make war.

The ICC Statute will be discussed at a meeting of the Assembly of State Parties between March 22 - 26, 2010, in preparation for a Review Conference in Uganda, from May 3 - June 12, 2010. With adequate determination and skilled draftsmanship, compromises to meet all legitimate concerns are possible.

But the goal must be clear: the lock which now exists preventing aggressors from being tried must be removed from the courthouse door. Failure to make "the supreme international crime" punishable by the ICC would, in fact, be a repudiation of the Nuremberg Principles and the rule of law. It would be a step backward instead of forward.

Despite contemporary political hesitations and legal ambiguities, we must not lose sight of long-range goals even if short term achievements seem minimal. We were all proud when our President received the Nobel Prize for Peace. I am quite sure that he favors a U.S. policy that may deter war.

I would be pleased to meet with you and your legal staff should furtherclarification be desired.

With all good wishes,

Benjamin B. Ferencz
 


04 2010  A Duty to Uphold the Law, Even in War 03 2010  Ferencz to Admiral Mullen Re: Aggression 12 2009  On President Obama's Nobel Speech 09 2009  Ending Impunity for the Crime of Aggression 07 2009  How Should We Remember McNamara? 05 2008  Speaking Frankly About Aggression 01 2008  Origins of the Genocide Convention 03 2007  Enabling the ICC to Punish Aggression 03 2007  A World of Peace Under the Rule of Law 08 2006  Fair Standards to Prosecute Terrorism? 12 2005  The Holocaust and the Nuremberg Trials 12 2005  Q&A with Ben Ferencz 11 2005  Paradoxes of a Sharp Legal Mind 11 2005  Heed the Lesson of Nuremburg 09 2005  Saddam Hussein's Trial 04 2005  The Nomination of John Bolton 04 2005  The Legality of the Iraq War 01 2005  War Crimes Tribunals 11 2004  War Crimes Trials at Nuremberg 11 2004  "Einsatzgruppen" 09 2004  The Nethercutt Amendment 07 2004  Response to Congressional Slander of the ICC 02 2004  From Nuremburg to Rome: A Personal Account 12 2003  Ferencz Interview on WUSB Radio 12 2003  What to Do with Saddam Hussein Now 11 2003  International Courts 04 2003  Misguided Fears About the ICC 03 2003  Response: "U.S. Lists Iraqis to Punish..." 08 2002  Response: On Preemptive Attack on Iraq 08 2002  Response to Senator Craig 07 2002  Know the Truth About the ICC 06 2002  Ferencz Interview on Dutch Television 05 2002  Ferencz Reply to Wall Street Journal Editor 03 2002  Ferencz Call to Action for an ICC 01 2002  International Law As We Enter the 21st Century 01 2002  Trials for Enemies Re: Wedgwood Op-Ed 10 2001  Response to Roth Comments on Kissinger 09 2001  Response to Kissinger Foreign Affairs Article 09 2001  Ferencz Interview on Crimes Against Humanity 09 2001  After Sept 11: Thoughts on What Can Be Done 08 2001  Monroe Leigh Supports an ICC 08 2001  Murder or Self-Defense? 07 2001  Misguided War Crimes Law Now Before Senate 06 2001  Ex-Prosecutor Warns Against New Law 06 2001  Appearance on Canadian Television 05 2001  Letter to US Senate 05 2001  Response to Safire Op-Ed 03 2001  Battle Lines for an ICC 02 2001  Ferencz Sounds the Alarm 02 2001  Receiving The Litvack Human Rights Award 01 2001  Deterring Aggression By Law 01 2001  Reply to: A Global Court of Injustice 01 2001  For Dictators, Only Punishment 12 2000  For Clinton’s Last Act 11 2000  Letter to President Clinton 10 2000  Interview with Joan Ringelheim 06 2000  Misguided Fears about the ICC 01 2000  Review: ICC: The Making of the Rome Statute 11 1999  The Evolution of International Criminal Law 11 1999  Telford Taylor: Pioneer of Int'l Criminal Law 04 1999  Plea of Humanity to Law 04 1999  A Prosecutor's Personal Account 04 1999  Getting Aggressive About Aggression 07 1998  Reflections on The Rome Conference 06 1998  Needed: A World Criminal Court 05 1998  The Prosecution of International Crimes 04 1998  Make Law Not War 02 1997  Courting an International Criminal Court 06 1996  The Path to World Peace 04 1996  Ameliorating The Trauma of International Crimes 10 1995  The UN Consensus Definition Of Aggression 10 1992  The Nuremberg Principles and the Gulf War 04 1992  An International Criminal Code and Court 03 1990  Prosecution of State-Sponsored Mass Murder 09 1986  The Road to World Peace 01 1982  Future of Human Rights in Int'l Jurisprudence 07 1981  Draft Code of Offences Against the Peace 11 1980  The Coming of International Law and Order 05 1975  Review: Rükerstattung Nach Den Gesetzen Der Alliierten Mäcthe 07 1973  A Proposed Definition of Aggression 06 1972  Defining Aggression 04 1972  Compensating Victims of the Crimes of War 06 1968  War Crimes Law And The Vietnam War 06 1967  Supreme Court Bars Claims of Forced Laborers 10 1960  International Crimes Against the Peace 03 1957  Restitution to Nazi Victims 02 1948  Nuremberg Trial Procedure 09 1947  Ferencz Opening Statement at Nuremburg 04 1940  On Criminal Responsibility
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